William A. Pettigrew, Freedomâ€™s Debt: The Royal African Company and the Politics of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1672â€“1752 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 24.
 George Frederick Zook, â€œThe Royal Adventurers in England,â€ The Journal of Negro History 4, no. 2 (1919): 143; Pettigrew, 23.
 Pettigrew, 23.
 Zook, 153.
 Pettigrew, 30.
 Pettigrew, 11.
 Malachy Postlethwayt, The National and Private Advantages of the African Trade Considered, 2nd ed. (London: John and Paul Knapton, 1746; London: William Otridge, Bookseller, 1772), 3. Citations refer to the Otridge edition.
 Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, 2nd ed. (1944; repr. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 52.
 Marie-HÃ©lÃ¨ne CorrÃ©ard, â€œpacotille,â€ in Pocket Oxford-Hachette French Dictionary: French-English (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 594.
 P. E. H. Hair and Robin Law, â€œThe English in Western Africa to 1700,â€ in The Oxford History of the British Empire, Volume 1: The Origins of Empire, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 257; Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, The Trade in the Living: The Formation of Brazil in the South Atlantic, Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2018), 318.
 David Eltis, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 180â€“83.
 John Kwadwo Osei-Tutu, ed., â€œIntroduction,â€ in Forts, Castles and Society in West Africa: Gold Coast and Dahomey, 1450â€“1960 (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 7.
 A. W. Lawrence, Trade Castles and Forts of West Africa: Gold Coast and Dahomey 1450â€“1960 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), 15; â€œTreasury Books and Papers: February 1744,â€ in Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers, Volume 5, 1742â€“1745, ed. William A. Shaw (London: His Majestyâ€™s Stationery Office, 1903), 448â€“58; Robin Law, ed., The English in West Africa 1685â€“1688: The Local Correspondence of the Royal African Company of England 1681â€“1699, Part 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), ix.
 Lawrence, 86.
 Lawrence, 185.
 The National Penitentiary at Millbank was designed to hold 1000 people. Randall McGowen, â€œThe Well-Ordered Prison: England, 1780â€“1865,â€ in The Oxford History of the Prison, eds. Norval Morris and David J. Rothman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 85; Sean McConville, â€œThe Victorian Prison: England, 1865â€“1965,â€ in The Oxford History of the Prison: The Practice of Punishment in Western Society, 120â€“21.
 De Witt Bailey and Douglas A. Nie, English Gunmakers: The Birmingham and Provincial Gun Trade in the 18th and 19th Century (London: Arms and Armour Press, 1978), 15.
 Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 11.
 Hadden, 13.
 David Barry Gaspar, â€œWith a Rod of Iron: Barbados Slave Laws as a Model for Jamaica, South Carolina, and Antigua, 1661â€“1697,â€ in Crossing Boundaries: Comparative History of Black People in Diaspora, eds. Darlene Clark Hine and Jacqueline McLeod (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 360.
 Hadden, 14.
 Charles M. Christian and Sari J. Bennett, Black Saga: The African American Experience: A Chronology (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1995), 27â€“28.
 Christian and Bennett, 19.
 Hadden, 3â€“4.
 Glasgow Police Act 1800, 39 & 40 Geo. III c. 88.
 Edward B. Rugemer, Slave Law and the Politics of Resistance in the Early Atlantic World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018), 49.
 Rugemer, 49â€“50.
 Rugemer, 50.
 Hadden, 15.
 Alan Watson, Slave Law in the Americas (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1989), 69.
 â€œWilliam and Mary, 1694: An Act for granting to theire Majesties severall Rates and Duties upon Tunnage of Shipps and Vessells and upon Beere Ale and other Liquors for secureing certaine Recompenses and Advantages in the said Act mentioned to such Persons as shall voluntarily advance the summe of [Â£1.5 million] towards the carrying on the Warr against France:- [Chapter XX. Rot. Parl. pt. 4. nu. 3.],â€ in Statutes of the Realm: Volume 6, 1685â€“94, ed. John Raithby (s.l: Great Britain Record Commission, 1819), 483â€“95; David Kynaston, Till Timeâ€™s Last Sand: A History of the Bank of England, 1694â€“2013 (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 2.
 â€œFrom the governmentâ€™s perspective, the deal between the Bank of England and the government involved a fully funded loan from the bankâ€™s subscribers. Derived from taxes on ship tonnage and duties on liquor, the government undertook the obligation to pay 8% on the bulk of the Â£1.2 million.â€ Geoffrey Poitras, Equity Capital: From Ancient Partnerships to Modern Exchange Traded Funds (New York: Routledge, 2016), 209.
 Angela Redish, â€œThe Evolution of the Gold Standard in England,â€ The Journal of Economic History 50, no. 4 (December 1990): 789â€“90; Kynaston, 42.
 Williams, 99â€“105.
 T. S. Ashton, An Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century (London: Methuen, 1955), 179.
 Ashton, 183.
 John Hughes, Liverpool Banks and Bankers: 1760â€“1837 (Liverpool: Henry Young & Sons, 1906), 38.
 Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, 2016, Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, https://www.slavevoyages.org/voyages/UMbSAzlc; Voyages, https://www.slavevoyages.org/voyages/myXapFcE; Voyages, https://www.slavevoyages.org/voyages/b6E9DnNU.
 Katie McDade, â€œLiverpool Slave Merchant Entrepreneurial Networks, 1725â€“1807,â€ Business History 53, no. 7 (2011): 1094.
 Joseph E. Inikori, â€œThe Credit Needs of the African Trade and the Development of the Credit Economy in England,â€ Explorations in Economic History 27, no. 2 (1990): 201.
 â€œWhat made credit an important requirement in British overseas trade in the 17th and 18th centuries was the expansion of British trade beyond Europe. The increased distance involved meant that remittance for the sale of goods outside Europe took a long time to reach the merchant exporters in Britain. . . . The collection of a shipload of slaves took several months to complete in Africa. The shipping of the slaves across the Atlantic and their sale in the New World took some months more. All this added to the time it took for the merchants to receive the returns on their investment and, therefore, to the amount of capital needed to keep the trade going. But, in Africa what considerably enlarged the amounts of capital invested in the trade by the merchants was the need to finance the building of extensive trading posts or â€˜factories,â€™ and the extension of credit to traders resident on the African coast.â€ Inikori, 204.
 K-Sue Park, â€œMoney, Mortgages, and the Conquest of America,â€ Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 4 (Fall 2016): 1024â€“25.
 S. D. Smith, Slavery, Family, and Gentry Capitalism in the British Atlantic: The World of the Lascelles, 1648â€“1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 142.
 â€œSecondly, English advances were made at lower rates of interest, at an average of 4.1 percent, than in the case of West Indian loans, where an average of 6.98 percent was charged.â€ S. D. Smith, 147.
 Richard Pares, â€œMerchants and Planters,â€ Economic History Review, supplement no. 4 (1960): 47.
 Cedric J. Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), xxx, xxxii, 135, 138â€“39; Raymond A. Bauer and Alice H. Bauer, â€œDay to Day Resistance to Slavery,â€ The Journal of Negro History 27, no. 4 (1942): 388â€“419; Barbara Bush-Slimani, â€œHard Labour: Women, Childbirth and Resistance in British Caribbean Slave Societies,â€ History Workshop, no. 36 (1993): 83â€“99.
 Mary Turner, Slaves and Missionaries: The Disintegration of Jamaican Slave Society, 1787â€“1834 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 173.
 â€œThree and a half million pounds [worth] of British exports to the West Indies in 1838, said Merivale, purchased less than half as much sugar and coffee as they would have purchased if carried to Cuba and Brazil. Goods to the value of one and three-quarter million pounds were therefore as completely thrown away, without remuneration, as far as Britain is concerned, as if the vessels which conveyed them had perished on the voyage.â€ Williams, 138â€“39.
 Eric Williams, â€œLaissez Faire, Sugar and Slavery,â€ Political Science Quarterly 58, no. 1 (March 1943): 75, 83; Richard B. Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History of the British West Indies, 1623â€“1775 (Kingston: Canoe Press, 1994), 36â€“53.
 Williams, 154.
 Willliams, 137.
 â€œAccounts of slave compensation claims; for the colonies of Jamaica. Antigua. Honduras. St. Christopherâ€™s. Grenada. Dominica. Nevis. Virgin Islands. St. Lucia. British Guiana. Montserrat. Bermuda. Bahamas. Tobago. St. Vincentâ€™s. Trinidad. Barbadoes. Mauritius. Cape of Good Hopeâ€; House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, Session 1837â€“38, (215), xlviii, 331.
 Parliament raised a loan worth 40% of the Â£48.8 million annual expenditure of the nation to pay compensation. â€œFreedom of Information Act 2000: Slavery Abolition Act 1833,â€ FOI2018/00186, Information Rights Unit, HM Treasury, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/680456/FOI2018-00186_-_Slavery_Abolition_Act_1833_-_pdf_for_disclosure_log__003_.pdf.
 Nicholas Draper, The Price of Emancipation: Slave-Ownership, Compensation and British Society at the End of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 235.
 Draper, 347â€“60.
 FrÃ©dÃ©rique Beauvois, Between Blood & Gold: The Debates Over Compensation for Slavery in the Americas (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017), 131.
 Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 172.